Please use this identifier to cite or link to this item: https://elibrary.tucl.edu.np/handle/123456789/7660
Title: The Magars in Politics (A Case study Of Palpa, Kaski And Myagdi Districts)
Authors: Baral, Uma Nath
Keywords: Democracy;Nepalese politics;Magar peopl
Issue Date: 2010
Publisher: Faculty of Political Science
Institute Name: Faculty of Humanities & Social Science
Level: Ph.D.
Abstract: Background of the Study:Nepal does nothave a long history of ethnic activism. It appearedsystematically only after the restoration of democracy in 1990. The ethnic groups, along withother excluded voices sprang up due to the open environment, freedom andbasichumanrights that came about only with the re-establishment of multi-party democracy in 1990.Undoubtedly, the changing political situationfavoured the activism of ethnic groups andother marginal sections of the society to air voices along withthedemand forseeking moreethnic rights. The favourable atmosphere after 1990 encouraged numerous ethnicorganizations to surface and promote their ethnic identity and to fight for inclusion insociety and polity. The restored democracy in 1990 could not change the traditionalexclusionary structures of the state which continued to affect the lives of the ethnic andother subordinate groups. All these people continued to suffer and were deprived ofpolitical, social and economic power and opportunities, due to the domination of a few elitefrom the high caste groups as well as the exclusionary structure of the state. Therefore,Nepal’s political experience of 1990s exposed the limitation to procedural and ritualisticdemocracy. Ethnicity got a mainstream issue of Nepalese politics because of Maoist war that launched inFebruary 1996.The Maoists urged the ethnic people to support the war assuring them toprovide ethnic federal state. This conflict was based on the Magar settlements of the Athar-Magarant and had gradually extended among the other rural parts due to the active supportby the people of marginal and excluded territories. Maoists succeeded in fuse theirinsurgency with ethnicity. Nepali politics entered into new dimension since the first quarter of the year 2006, whichintroduced Nepal as the republic state and on the way to inclusive democracy. The politicalupheaval in the beginning of the 21st century ended with the result of restored democracy.Particularly, in Post April (2006) Revolution, different ethnic organizations have flourishedand began the movement for their proper participation with ethnic identity in the varioussectors of the state. Hence, the debate has begun for seeking inclusive democracy throughthe proportional representation of different social groups in proportion to their size ofpopulation and demand for ethnic federalism. Ethnic issues have been taken asmarginalized, oppressed, suppressed and unprivileged strata of society tended to acquire amajor political unit of Nepalese politics. Ethnic activism, however, has now turned intopolitical power, nurtured by increasing social acceptance to some major demands of ethnic groups, i. e. inclusive democracy, sharing power in proportion to the size of population,federalism on the basis of ethnicity. But two keyquestions are yet to be explored. “Are thecommon ethnic people aware of the rising issues of their demands? To what extent are theethnic activists mobilizing the ordinary people for their own collective and communityrights?” These issues are studied inthe context of the rise of Magar ethnicity. “Do the Magarethic people at the local level know about the ongoing activism carried out in the name oftheir empowerment? To what extent are they involved in both ethnic and non-ethnicpolitics? How do they perceive democracy, political parties, state restructuring andfederalism?” These are some of the research questions related to Magar ethnic politics atgrass roots and the researcher has tried to explore andanalyse these issues through thisstudy. Objectives of the Study: The objective of this study is to explore the Magarethnicity inpolitics fromdifferent angles, like analyzing its participation and representation in thevarious state institutions, its interests and demands, its views and perception oncurrentpressing issues of Nepalese politics, and investigating the activism of the Magarorganizations for socializing and empowering the Magar people and its culture. This studyparticularly intends to find out the role and perception of the Magars living in western hillson democracy, political party and federalism, and fining suggestions for their inclusion inmainstream politics. Research Methodology:This study is an empirical study largely based on primary sources ofinformation. Primary data was collected using various research tools, i. e. questionnairesurvey, in-depth interviews, focus group discussion and participatory observation. It hasapplied both probability sampling method (systematic random sampling) and non-probability sampling (purposive and snow palling samplings) methods for collecting primarydata. A regional level seminar was also organized for discussing the outputs of surveyresearch. Data that were collected through survey and interview (quantitative) was coded,tabulated and analysedby using the computer software programme called StatisticalPackage for Social Sciences (SPSS). Qualitative data were systematized by using thetechnique of Content analysis. While using this method descriptive and contextual analysiswereused for interpretation and analysis of data and information through transcribing thefield note and other related documents. Besides, the study also obtained secondary datathrough literature review, study of governmental and non-governmental documents. The field areas of this study were Palpa, Kaski and Myagdi districts which are situated southto north in the western hills and Known for its socio-political history and natural beauty. With an aim to cover different variations these districts were selected by using purposiveand judgmental sampling. Palpa is the centre of the southern Magars where they have beenindigenously dominating through settlements since the unknown past. Likewise, Myagdi isalso a Magar dominated district and the Major part of the northern Magars. In the samemanner, Kaski received its fame of the ethnic activism. This is an eminent place where thepeople throughout the country, particularly Magarsand Gurungs from western hills havemigrated for settlements. At the second phase of sampling, nine sampling sites-three fromeach district–were selected. These sites were chosen taking into consideration of internalvariation among Magars on several accounts, i. e. culture, clan, mother tongue speaker andnon-speaker, majority and minority in population of selected areas, geographical location(near and far from district headquarters) and political factors (dominated or subordinated inlocal or selected areas). Major Findings: 1. Data concerning with different organs of the state and political partiesshow that the Magar ethnic group has negligible representation in proportion to itspopulation. Therefore, they are unprivileged and disadvantaged in the polity of the state.Both,activists and general respondents equally perceive that the educational and politicalawareness,and unity among the Magarsalong with the inclusionary state are required forempowering them in the state affairs. 2.The history of the Magar ethnic activism formally started under theLanghali Pariwar inthe early 1980s and then under the Nepal Magar Association since 1992. The main demandof their activism in Post 1990 Democracy (Janandolan I) was to seek the recognition and topromote their primordial ethnic identity. The Magar ethnic organizations have demandedthe proportional representation system and ethnic federalism for seeking inclusivedemocracy through their activism in PostJanandolan II(April-2006 revolution). 3. It has been found that due to activism of various local level organizations, the Magarpeople in villages are politically trained like the urban people. In Magars’ perceptionpeople’s government, human rights, peace, development, rule of law and inclusion in thepolity are the aggregative and deliberative meaning of democracy. The effect of Maoist’swar and their mobilization in democratic movement, caused the Magars to know andunderstand about the democracy and ethnic values. This has been found that they do notconsider the Monarchy inthe price of democracy. 4.The study also finds that the involvement of Magars in party politics is greater than theirethnicorganisationswhich are limited in a few urban centers. Their inclination towards theparty politics, however, helps in flourishing the different ideologies and values in the democracy. Political socialization through education, economic and family backgrounds arethe major factors that influence Magar people in their attitudes as well as their role towardsparty politics. It has also been noticed that compared to the centric and rightists parties, leftparties are in better position among the Magars. 5.Those who are affiliated and influenced by the policy of Maoists pointed out that this isthe way for their liberation by establishing the Magarant ethnic autonomy. Whilst, thoseMagars who opposed them expressed that Maoists could do nothing for the people at thegrass roots, however, theycatalyse the grievances of the Magar ethnic people for theirpower seeking interest. Nevertheless, Magars believe that they have significantlycontributed to the Maoist war and it facilitated in promoting their ethnic identity. 6.As per Magars identify, the restructuring of the state and inclusive democracy are neededto address the interests of the local people and their diverse identities. Nepal’s diverseethno-demography requires a combination that would give support to different levels ofgovernment and produce a system where people and societies are empowered and thereare venues for expression of different ethnic and territorial identities through self-rule.Therefore, they have suggested that there re at least two levels of autonomousgovernments–the federal provinces at the regional level and local unit governments at thegrass roots level-should be mentioned along with the devolution of power, resources anddecision-making authority in the new constitution. Hence, they support the ProportionalRepresentation System based on the strength of each group and identity of ethnicpopulation inthe different organs of the state. As they believe that it is the best institutionaldesign for inclusion Magars and other excluded and disadvantaged groups in the mainstream politics.
URI: https://elibrary.tucl.edu.np/handle/123456789/7660
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