Paths to Dalit Empowerment:Comparison of a "Maoist Affected" Village and a Neighboring Town in Sindhupalchok

Abstract

Paths to Dalit Empowerment: Comparison of a "Maoist Affected" Village and a Neighboring Town in Sindhupalchok Key terms: Multiple paths, social change, caste system, untouchability, Dalit empowerment, Inter caste relationships with focus on Dalits and Non-Dalits, Maoists,People’s war This research focuses the effectiveness of alternate paths to Dalit empowermentwithin a specific historical, structural and spatial context. The historical and structural context of this research is that of the Maoist "People's War" (1996-2006) and the spatial context is a village where the Maoist had a heavy presence and a town where their presence was less salient even as other potential agents of empowerment were relatively powerful. This research engages with the question of the relative of effectiveness of the two alternate modes of intervention as far as Dalit empowerment is concerned. Did the Dalits of Kubhinde, the Sindhupalchok village, where the Maoist presence was intense, find themselves more empowered than the Dalit of Chautara, the near by headquarters of the Sindhupalchok district, where the Maoists were less power fuleven as there were many other agents of potential empowerment were in presence there? Did the Maoist class struggle succeed in resolving the contradictions that gave rise to the caste system in general and "untouchability" in particular? Can political parties that seek to resolve Dalit-non-Dalit contradictions resolve caste contradictions immediately after they come to power and exclusively through political initiatives?Or is a longer-term and multi-dimensiona lmobilization and state action necessary to resolve such contradictions? Analysis of observation, in-depth interview and focus group data with a variety ofstakeholders show that Dalits have been empowered where ever a political party,regardless of its broader ideology, has been able to shape the nature of awareness among Dalits and has united them together. As an example, the public space in Chautara e.g. teashop, restaurant/bar, temple, school, wedding party, suffers from alower level of "un touchability" than Kubhinde-even though "untouchability" is in practice in private homes. Second, education, economic opportunities, political VI consciousness, urbanization,road facilities, communications, market access, effects of globalization, and access to local services are the key principal factors that have played a key role in Dalit empowerment and social changes in urban areas. Where such facilities are lacking, for example in the rural settings such as Kubhinde, the level of Dalit empowerment and the rate of social change is weaker. Third,"Untouchability" and other discrimination against Dalits remain more severe in thevicinity of Brahmin/Chhetri settlements in both public and private spheres. Patron-client relations such as those between Dalits on the one hand and the Tamang, Ghale,Magar on the other, "Untouchability" and other discriminations are less intense. To conclude, political consciousness led by the Maoists is insufficient to empower Dalits even as the adoption of multiple paths leads to a higher level of empowerment.